Quotes From A Man And His Presidents Buckley PdfBy Sacripant B. In and pdf 25.03.2021 at 17:44 10 min read
File Name: quotes from a man and his presidents buckley .zip
- Transcript: James Baldwin debates William F. Buckley (1965) | Blog#42
- William F. Buckley Jr.
- Buckley v. Valeo, 424 U.S. 1 (1976)
Home Issues 12 Mapping gender. Old images; new f History in the making; great live
Transcript: James Baldwin debates William F. Buckley (1965) | Blog#42
I have done my utmost to transcribe his words faithfully, adding only the emphasis of stars around words he uttered forcefully during his presentation.
I find myself, not for the first time, in the position of a kind of Jeremiah. Burford that the inequality suffered by the American Negro population of the United States has hindered the American dream.
Indeed, it has. I quarrell with some other things he has to say. That is, it depends on assumptions which we hold so deeply so as to be scarcely aware of them. Are white South African or Mississippi sharecropper, or Mississippi sheriff, or a Frenchman driven out of Algeria, all have, at bottom, a system of reality which compels them to, for example, in the case of the French exile from Algeria, to offend French reasons from having ruled Algeria.
Of course, to such a person, the proposition which we are trying to discuss here tonight does not exist. What white people in the world, what we call white supremacy — I hate to say it here — comes from Europe. Now, what happens when that happens. Leaving aside all the physical facts that one can quote. Leaving aside, rape or murder. Leaving aside the bloody catalog of oppression, which we are in one way too familiar with already, what this does to the subjugated, the most private, the most serious thing this does to the subjugated, is to destroy his sense of reality.
His father can no longer tell him anything, because the past has disappeared, and his father has no power in the world. And since you have not yet seen a mirror, you suppose that you are, too. It comes as a great shock around the age of 5, or 6, or 7, to discover that the flag to which you have pledged allegiance, along with everybody else, has not pledged allegiance to you. It comes as a great shock to discover that Gary Cooper killing off the Indians, when you were rooting for Gary Cooper, that the Indians were you.
It comes as a great shock to discover that the country which is your birthplace and to which you owe your life and your identity, has not, in its whole system of reality, evovled any place for you. By the time you are thirty, you have been through a certain kind of mill. It is not that. You are thirty by now and nothing you have done has helped to escape the trap.
But what is worse than that, is that nothing you have done, and as far as you can tell, nothing you can do, will save your son or your daughter from meeting the same disaster and not impossibly coming to the same end. I suppose there are several ways to address oneself, to some attempt to find what that word means here. Let me put it this way, that from a very literal point of view, the harbors and the ports, and the railroads of the country—the economy, especially of the Southern states—could not conceivably be what it has become, if they had not had, and do not still have, indeed for so long, for many generations, cheap labor.
For nothing. The Southern oligarchy , which has still today so very much power in Washington, and therefore some power in the world, was created by my labor and my sweat, and the violation of my women and the murder of my children.
This, in the land of the free, and the home of the brave. And no one can challenge that statement. It is a matter of historical record. You watched this in the Deep South in great relief. But not only in the Deep South. OK, we all know this. Now, I suggest that of all the terrible things that can happen to a human being, that is one of the worst.
I suggest that what has happened to white Southerners is in some ways, after all, much worse than what has happened to Negroes there because Sheriff Clark in Selma, Alabama, cannot be considered — you know, no one can be dismissed as a total monster. What happens to the woman is ghastly. What happens to the man who does it is in some ways much, much worse.
And it is perfectly true from the point of view now simply of an American Negro. We have a civil rights bill now where an amendment, the fifteenth amendment, nearly a hundred years ago — I hate to sound again like an Old Testament prophet — but if the amendment was not honored then, I would have any reason to believe in the civil rights bill will be honored now.
Four hundred years? At least three wars? The American soil is full of the corpses of my ancestors. Why is my freedom or my citizenship, or my right to live there, how is it conceivably a question now? And I suggest further, and in the same way, the moral life of Alabama sheriffs and poor Alabama ladies — white ladies — their moral lives have been destroyed by the plague called color, that the American sense of reality has been corrupted by it. We have the same shorthand, I know, if I look at a boy or a girl from Tennessee, where they came from in Tennessee and what that means.
No Englishman knows that. No Frenchman, no one in the world knows that, except another Black man who comes from the same place. One watches these lonely people denying the only kin they have. We talk about integration in America as though it was some great new conundrum. Put me next to any African and you will see what I mean. My grandmother was not a rapist.
What one brings the American people to do for all our sakes is simply to accept our history. I was there not only as a slave, but also as a concubine. What is relevant about this is that whereas forty years ago when I was born, the question of having to deal with what is unspoken by the subjugated, what is never said to the master, of ever having to deal with this reality was a very remote possibility.
When I was growing up, I was taught in American history books, that Africa had no history, and neither did I. That I was a savage about whom the less said, the better, who had been saved by Europe and brought to America. And, of course, I believed it.
Those were the only books there were. Everyone else seemed to agree. If you walk out of Harlem, ride out of Harlem, downtown, the world agrees what you see is much bigger, cleaner, whiter, richer, safer than where you are. They collect the garbage. People obviously can pay their life insurance. Their children look happy, safe. That you belong where white people have put you.
This gave an American Negro for the first time a sense of himself beyond the savage or a clown. It has created and will create a great many conundrums. One of the great things that the white world does not know, but I think I do know, is that Black people are just like everybody else.
One has used the myth of Negro and the myth of color to pretend and to assume that you were dealing with, essentially, with something exotic, bizarre, and practically, according to human laws, unknown. Alas, it is not true. We are human too. What is crucial here is that unless we can manage to accept, establish some kind of dialog between those people whom I pretend have paid for the American dream and those other people who have not achieved it, we will be in terrible trouble.
I want to say, at the end, the last, is that is that is what concerns me most. It may not. I remember, for example, when the ex Attorney General, Mr.
Robert Kennedy, said that it was conceivable that in forty years, in America, we might have a Negro president. That sounded like a very emancipated statement, I suppose, to white people.
They were not in Harlem when this statement was first heard. The reason for the political hesitation, in spite of the Johnson landslide is that one has been betrayed by American politicians for so long. And I am a grown man and perhaps I can be reasoned with. I certainly hope I can be. You watch what has happened to them in less than twenty years.
If the city of New York were able, as it has indeed been able, in the last fifteen years to reconstruct itself, tear down buildings and raise great new ones, downtown and for money, and has done nothing whatever except build housing projects in the ghetto for the Negroes.
And of course, Negroes hate it. Presently the property does indeed deteriorate because the children cannot bear it. They want to get out of the ghetto.
This is just what it does mean now. This is not an act of God. Had the American Negro had not been present in America, I am convinced the history of the American labor movement would be much more edifying than it is. It is a terrible thing for an entire people to surrender to the notion that one-ninth of its population is beneath them. And until that moment, until the moment comes when we, the Americans, we, the American people, are able to accept the fact, that I have to accept, for example, that my ancestors are both white and Black.
That on that continent we are trying to forge a new identity for which we need each other and that I am not a ward of America. I am not an object of missionary charity. I am one of the people who built the country—until this moment there is scarcely any hope for the American dream, because the people who are denied participation in it, by their very presence, will wreck it. And if that happens it is a very grave moment for the West. Thank you so much for doing this. I am a high school teacher with some struggling readers.
I like to use audio along with the text, and in the case of James Baldwin I have been trying to find things that he read himself. Listening to any other voice than his reading his work feels like a form of deprivation. Now I have the transcript to go with this stunning speech. Thank you for posting the transcript.
William F. Buckley Jr.
We congratulate the American people upon your re-election by a large majority. If resistance to the Slave Power was the reserved watchword of your first election, the triumphant war cry of your re-election is Death to Slavery. From the commencement of the titanic American strife the workingmen of Europe felt instinctively that the star-spangled banner carried the destiny of their class. The contest for the territories which opened the dire epopee, was it not to decide whether the virgin soil of immense tracts should be wedded to the labor of the emigrant or prostituted by the tramp of the slave driver? Everywhere they bore therefore patiently the hardships imposed upon them by the cotton crisis, opposed enthusiastically the proslavery intervention of their betters — and, from most parts of Europe, contributed their quota of blood to the good cause. While the workingmen, the true political powers of the North, allowed slavery to defile their own republic, while before the Negro, mastered and sold without his concurrence, they boasted it the highest prerogative of the white-skinned laborer to sell himself and choose his own master, they were unable to attain the true freedom of labor, or to support their European brethren in their struggle for emancipation; but this barrier to progress has been swept off by the red sea of civil war.
Buckley v. Valeo, 424 U.S. 1 (1976)
I have done my utmost to transcribe his words faithfully, adding only the emphasis of stars around words he uttered forcefully during his presentation. I find myself, not for the first time, in the position of a kind of Jeremiah. Burford that the inequality suffered by the American Negro population of the United States has hindered the American dream.
In an opinion not authored by any individual Justice, the Court found that some of the provisions of the Campaign Finance Act were unconstitutional, while others were valid. In general, the provisions that were invalidated were those that: 1 Limited expenditures by candidates from personal funds; 2 Limited expenditures on campaigns by independent entities, who were neither candidates nor political parties; and 3 Arranged a system whereby Congress could directly appoint FEC commissioners. By contrast, the provisions that were upheld were those that: 1 Limited contributions to candidates; 2 Required the disclosure and reporting of provisions although the Court narrowed their applicability ; and 3 Created a system for voluntary government funding of campaigns and limited spending by candidates who used this funding. Burger argued that the Court should have struck down contribution limits, the government financing system, and reporting requirements regarding small contributions to campaigns. Marshall would have preserved the provision that limited candidate contributions from personal funds.
The era of American politics that has been dying before our eyes was born in That January, a twenty-seven-year-old editorial writer for the St. Louis Globe-Democrat named Patrick Buchanan went to work for Richard Nixon, who was just beginning the most improbable political comeback in American history. Kennedy, in , and had been humiliated in a bid for the California governorship. But he saw that he could propel himself back to power on the strength of a new feeling among Americans who, appalled by the chaos of the cities, the moral heedlessness of the young, and the insults to national pride in Vietnam, were ready to blame it all on the liberalism of President Lyndon B.