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- Gender, Democracy and Institutional Development in Africa
- Gender, Democracy and Institutional Development in Africa
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It seems that you're in Germany. We have a dedicated site for Germany. This book analyses African foundations of gender, education, politics, democracy and institutional development by stimulating theoretical discourses. It offers a discursive framework on ways to examine the conceptualizations of African social development and a critical discourse on debunking the misconceptions that are attached to African location in the global arena. The volume challenges the danger of minimizing and oversimplifying the role of Africa in the international space.
Gender, Democracy and Institutional Development in Africa
Not a MyNAP member yet? Register for a free account to start saving and receiving special member only perks. Africa's continuing reliance on foreign aid has increased the opportunities for bilateral and multilateral aid agencies to influence policy making in the region. The major donors have been meeting frequently in order to discuss development and debt problems and to devise aid strategies for African governments.
In turn, foreign aid has increasingly been linked to a set of prescriptions for changes in both economic and political policies pursued by African governments. The so-called new world order also has had significant effects on African governments. As the influence and interest of the Soviet Union in Africa declined and later collapsed with its demise , Western states and the organizations they influence gained considerably greater leverage over African governments, surpassing the general client-dependent relationship of the s and s.
In the s, the international financial institutions announced that the implementation of structural adjustment and economic stabilization programs would be conditions for their assistance to African governments. Agency for International Development took the lead in demanding policy changes, such as currency devaluation, removal of subsidies for public services, reduction of state intervention in agricultural pricing and marketing, greater concern to the development needs of rural areas, privatization of parastatal bodies, and reduction in the size and cost of the public sector.
In the early s, donors began to show interest in promoting political change in addition to economic reforms. Democratic political reforms were. The Development Advisory Committee of the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development is on record in support of "participatory development," which includes democratization, improved governance, and human rights.
The condition that political reforms be undertaken is now attached at least rhetorically to almost all Western aid.
Actual donor practices vary: France proposes greater liberty and democracy, Great Britain recommends good government, the United States focuses on good governance, Japan talks about linking aid to reductions in military expenditures.
Yet, regardless of the approach, there is increasingly strong agreement among donors that political reforms in Africa must result in reduced corruption and more financial accountability, better observance of human rights, independent media and an independent judiciary, participatory politics, and a liberalized market economy in order to move closer to the ultimate goal of meaningful economic growth and development.
Improved governance, which appears to be the common donor requirement for the release of both bilateral and multilateral aid to African countries, has been defined diversely among different observers and actors concerned with development in Africa. The World Bank, for example, defines governance as "the manner in which power is exercised in the management of a country's economic and social resources for development.
A number of political scientists participating in the Namibia workshop found it necessary to point out that the concepts of democracy and governance were interrelated, but were not the same. They indicated that "good governance entails the efficient and effective reciprocity between rulers and the ruled, with it incumbent upon government to be responsive.
Majoritarian democracy, on the other hand, entailed a broad consensus on values and procedures, the participation in the selection of ruling elites, and the accountability of leadership to the electorate. Both concepts were related to processes in society within the context of reciprocity.
Managing Development: The Governance Dimension. Discussion paper, World Bank, Still, there was agreement in the meetings that African governments are deeply in need of governance reforms. In the Namibia meeting, one participant was of the opinion that the argument that all of Africa has practiced bad governance "is not an accurate statement. In reality, there are few Mobutu Sese Sekos. Most African governments have been in difficult situations and they have opted for the easy way out.
Foreign governments did not insist on good governance, either. Even when policies failed, assistance kept coming. Only recently have donors been raising the governance issue, linking it to assistance in order to ensure that the economy and politics be liberalized.
Increasingly, Africans are saying that such conditions should be tied to policy performance, but not to a particular blueprint for democracy. Africans should design their own approach to democracy, make a good-faith effort to govern well and to have programs work in an efficient manner, and strive for the development of a culture of democracy between the rulers and the ruled. Perhaps improved governance will take hold before democracy.
Africa is liberalizing, but it will take time, and one must be prepared to persevere for a long haul. Participants identified the major reasons for poor governance and "bad" politics in African countries as the personalized nature of rule, the failure of the state to advance and protect human rights, the tendency of individuals to withdraw from politics, and the extreme centralization of power in the hands of few people.
It was pointed out also that democracy in Africa has been badly hindered by the state's control of the economy; this has meant that the only way to get rich has been through political office, intensifying the problem of corruption, and inducing leaders to cling to political power. This has been disastrous for the economies in African countries. Thus, economic liberalization, empowering ordinary producers, may well be an aid to political democracy. Furthermore, in most African countries, the small number of individuals with power have managed to erode any semblance of accountability, legitimacy, democracy, and justice, which has been a basis of considerable disappointment to the planners, economists and policy makers who want African governments to introduce a reasonable and collective attack on poverty, disease, illiteracy, and other challenges to development.
In the deliberations, certain desperately needed elements of good governance were identified, including popular participation in governance, accountability and transparency, the elimination of corruption, the protection of freedom of information and human rights, and the decentralization and devolution of power. Africans have acknowledged that development must be revamped by a democratic approach employing the energy and devotion of African people—who alone can make development sustainable.
This recognition emerged from the Arusha Conference "Putting the People First" of February , convened under the auspices of the United Nations Economic Commission for Africa and attended by over delegations representing grass roots organizations, nongovernmental organizations, United Nations agencies, and governments. The African Charter for Popular Participation in Development and Transformation , which was adopted by the plenary, holds that the absence of democracy is a principal reason for the persistent development challenges facing Africa: 6.
We affirm that nations cannot be built without the popular support and full participation of the people, nor can the economic crisis be resolved and the human and economic conditions improved without the full and effective contribution, creativity, and popular enthusiasm of the vast majority of the people. After all, it is to the people that the very benefits of development should and must accrue. We are convinced that neither can Africa's perpetual economic crisis be overcome, nor can a bright future for Africa and its people see the light of day unless the structures, pattern, and political context of the process of socioeconomic development are appropriately altered.
In the three workshops, the importance of popular participation in building democratic society likewise was underscored: "The significance of ordinary people having power is important in any society moving toward democracy. When one examines existing democratic societies, one realizes they have succeeded primarily because they have involved people to help make it work. Also, they have empowered those engaged in democratic projects.
In short, they have succeeded by giving voice to those who have been voiceless. In discussions on the importance of popular participation in democracy, participants suggested distinguishing between "true" and "false" participation. As such, critics of the government either are intimidated or absorbed. Foreign nongovernmental organizations also tend to work with governments and may be used by them in order to promote government patronage. Furthermore, participants noted that the legal restrictions on participation remaining in some countries would have to be removed.
For example, it was noted that "measures that require the registration of civic associations, such as trade unions or student movements, have been used by governments to dissolve associations on petty pretexts. It also was suggested that civic associations become institutionalized and begin to support one another.
Explicit measures to this end have been taken in Zambia since the recent presidential elections. One participant also pointed out that nongovernmental organizations in Namibia were inculcating a sense of participatory democracy in their projects, including in the schools. In discussing the relationship between participation and efficiency, the question of what is meant by efficiency was raised. Participants suggested that "a technocratic approach to efficiency takes political issues out of the hands of the people and stifles participation.
One classic example of this approach has been the imposition of structural adjustment programs, under which the entire management of the economy is removed from the realm of participatory politics. If, on the other hand, the efficiency of the government is to be measured by its ability to meet the needs of its people, then a high level of participation can only promote this end. Discussions could have helped people to be prepared for the impact of reforms. In this manner, perhaps the reforms even could have been softened.
If efficiency is measured by the government's ability to meet the needs of its people, they suggest, then "the first task of government is to make sure citizens' lives improve on a daily basis, because if citizens do not see improvement, their enthusiasm for supporting government policies wanes.
There was overwhelming agreement among participants that poor governance has adversely affected the efficient use of economic and social resources for development in African countries. The misuse or diversion of assistance and domestic funds by corrupt officials, which was tolerated during the cold war to receive support in the international system, is being replaced by a new emphasis on good governance.
In the past, said a number of participants, "aid appeared to be driven by certain political factors without a congruence of interests between givers and receivers.
Among some participants, the assumption is that such groups can act as watchdogs, serving as the best deliverers of assistance; a number of participants did not agree, arguing that newly democratic governments should receive and channel such aid.
In any society, holding citizens responsible for their actions, in public service and the private sector, is significant to ensure some level of accountability. With regard to public officials, participants pointed out that mechanisms must be devised to hold leaders responsible when they use public resources in ways that society considers unacceptable. To that end, they noted that any public accountability system should include periodic competition and a clear set of rules and expectations.
Participants emphasized the notion that the principle of accountability, essential to democracy, requires exposing the truth, with stated and enforced consequences for violating the rules, without exception, even for those in power. The lack of accountability in Africa has led to the gross misuse of public resources.
For example, single-party systems in Africa do not allow for much in the way of accountability. The effect has been rampant corruption and the deterioration of socioeconomic conditions—an indication that people in Africa were governed without being able to control their governors.
One participant argued: "Besides financial and economic accountability, there is also a need for electoral accountability, for the right to recall representatives if they do not deliver on their promises and don't govern well. International financial institutions and bilateral donors have addressed their expectations of both economic and financial accountability from African countries.
The economic objectives of public accountability sought by. This not only requires systems of financial accountability, but also the capacity and willingness to monitor the overall economic performance of the government. Another challenge discussed under the rubric of good governance was to achieve transparency in government transactions.
In most African countries, participants noted that it is difficult to find functioning establishments in which government accounts, external procurement procedures, and central bank operations are discussed objectively: "In examining the way the economy is managed and the structure of relationships between government and society, there is need for greater transparency. The state must be deprivatized [from domination by the few] and a public arena must be created where there would be room for argument and discussions based on what is good for the entire society.
Things should be argued in public terms so that everyone can participate on an equal basis. Several participants pointed out that government should not conceal information from its citizens. A number of suggestions were put forward by participants regarding the ways in which transparency might be achieved in Africa. These included freedom of the press, donors' insistence that governments make their ledgers and gazettes public knowledge, requiring declarations of assets from public officials, exposing and confronting corruption, and accountability from below.
Some participants also raised the question of whether donors genuinely verify democratic conditions in recipient countries, such as Liberia and Kenya. In the case of Liberia, participants suggested U. With regard to Kenya, participants pointed out the inconsistency in application of the good government policy advocated by the British, compared with other bilateral donors.
Despite Daniel arap Moi's initial reluctance to yield to the demands for multiparty politics, Kenya received substantial British investment and was defended by both Foreign Minister Douglas Hurd and Aid Minister Lynda Chalker as having a good human rights record. One participant argued, "Perhaps democracy is being used as a legitimation of intervention. There is a need for transparency in the advice donors give to African governments. When projects [that have been agreed on behind closed doors] fail, the onus is put on African governments.
In this regard, it was suggested that donors also need to apply governance reforms to the way they conduct business. One participant stated, "Having worked for several aid agencies, I will add that the donors need to undertake governance reforms. I hope that the progressive and democratic forces in Africa both during and after the transition will demand those reforms of the donors.
For example, demand the publication of confidential reports of the World Bank and International Monetary Fund. They are confidential only in lessening the level of accountability of these agencies to populations and opposition.
Gender, Democracy and Institutional Development in Africa
Editorial Note I have the distinguished honour and privilege to introduce to you the second issue of the Journal of African Democracy and Development. However, I wish to mention that the first issue came out under the name, the Journal on Perspectives of African Democracy and Development, which has now been revised to the Journal of African Democracy and Development. The current volume is a collection of eleven articles on issues pertaining to democracy and development from different scholars researching three countries in Africa that is, Uganda, Kenya and the Democratic Republic of Congo DRC. Those who read these papers will find that they raise important implications on the received wisdom in the pursuit of democracy and development in Africa. Here is a brief about the papers: in the first paper, Mbate revisits the theoretical debate on the benefits of decentralisation on governance and accountability in developing countries. Unlike existing theoretical arguments that highlight the positive and negative benefits of decentralisation, Mbate uses comparative evidence to argue, that to the extent that decentralization lead to good governance and accountability depends on a the degree of participation of citizens and social organisations in decision-making processes; b the level of political competition and c bureaucratic capacity.
BETWEEN DEMOCRACY AND DEVELOPMENT IN. AFRICA: WHAT ARE THE MISSING LINKS? By. SAID ADEJUMOBI. Centre for African Studies,. Harry.
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The nexus between democracy and development in Africa has been one of the most contested issues in recent years. Those in support of the linkage argue that the two — democracy and development — are intertwined and depend on or lead to the other. However, opposing views claim that the two concepts are independent of each other, and can easily be achieved without necessarily depending or leading to the other. Drawing insights from various African countries, this article critically examines whether there is a link between democracy and development in Africa. Ultimately, the article postulates that Africa should be innovative in its efforts to promote democracy and development, as there is no single prescribed way of achieving democracy or development.
Not a MyNAP member yet? Register for a free account to start saving and receiving special member only perks. Africa's continuing reliance on foreign aid has increased the opportunities for bilateral and multilateral aid agencies to influence policy making in the region.
Current History 1 May ; : — Traditional chiefs have a special ability to organize collective responses to local problems in many communities. Recipient s will receive an email with a link to 'Chiefs, Democracy, and Development in Contemporary Africa' and will not need an account to access the content. Sign In or Create an Account. User Tools.
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Indeed people get a voice to shape their political and economic destinies through democratic exercises but in it has many imperfections. The Westminster Democracy has failed to be successful in Africa and critics have argued that it is because it does not speak to the culture of Africans. They suggest the need for an African democracy that speaks to values and cultures of Africans for it to be successful. However proponents of democracy say that The Western democracy is a good form of government that can lead to socio- economic development if it is given time to develop. They give example of Successful democracy in the developed world and state that it took some countries more than years to achieve successful democracy and therefore Africa should be given the time. The problem however is that Africa continues to languish as underdeveloped under the umbrella of democracy and we really do not have that time to wait and build democracy at the expense of development. Any pragmatic person can assertively say that the democracy that is currently being practiced is a social and economic ill to Africa.
In those African countries where democracy has been introduced, it enjoys widespread support.
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